The Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement continued through its observers the House of Representatives elections in 2015, which took place in two rounds, the first round took place on 27th and 28th October, 2015, in 14 governorates; Giza, Fayoum, Beni Suef, Minya, Assiut, New Valley, Sohag, Qena, Luxor, Aswan, the Red Sea, Alexandria , Al-Beheira, Marsa Matrouh. The second round took place on 22th and 23th November, 2015, in 13 governorates; Cairo, Qaliubiya, Dakahlia, Menoufia, Gharbia, Kafr El-Sheikh, Sharqia Damietta, Port Said, Ismailia, Suez, North Sinai and South Sinai. In addition to the runoff two rounds.
Considering monitoring of the elections one of the basic guarantees to ensure the holding of free and fair elections, the role of the Egyptian Society came to enhance community participation in monitoring the parliamentary elections in 2015, the association monitored all rounds of the electoral process from the beginning of the opening of the registration stage, through the stage of campaigning, then the events of the election day itself , in addition to the study and analysis of legislative and legal environment in which the elections take place under its light, as well as political, economic, social and cultural environment, and monitoring the performance of all parties of the electoral process, from the media to the clergy and religious institutions to the security agencies and institutions of the state in general, in addition of course to the behavior and performance of individual candidates or parties, as well as the performance of the voters themselves, in order to determine accurately whether the elections had taken place in a way tends to freedom and fairness of the elections, or whether it took place under a kind of chaos and corruption and fraud of the voters’ will.
In this context, the report of the Egyptian Society for monitoring the first round of parliamentary elections under the title "Egypt's parliament in 2015 ... the real secretion of 30th June", is including the following topics:
The first topic: the surrounding environment of Parliamentary elections 2015
This topic includes an evaluation of the surrounding environment of the electoral process whether it was political, secular, legislative, economic or social.
The second topic: parliament elections 2015… analytical vision
This topic includes a comprehensive evaluation of the parliamentary elections regarding the performance of the higher Committee for Elections, and the security agencies, judges, and the media, and monitoring process of civil society organizations, as well as an analysis of political participation for parties, women and young people in the electoral process.
The third topic: the parliament elections’ irregularities and violations
This topic includes the prominent irregularities that have been spotted by the observers of the association of community participation on the electoral process for the two rounds which the association considered it to be “irregularities” which can be “violations”. The last is known as the different forms of violations that the state systemically and frequently performs in its different organizations, the public and confidential ones by instant instructions that issued by the top of authority pyramid in favor of particular party, category or political power.
The fourth topic: Conclusions
This topic includes the most prominent conclusions of the Egyptian Association for Community participation with respect to the parliamentary elections of 2015.
The fifth topic: Recommendations
This topic includes the recommendations of the Egyptian Association for community participation Enhancement for what’s related to the parliamentary elections 2015 in particular, and legislative, political life and party system in general.
The first topic: the surrounding environment of Parliamentary elections 2015
the political environment in which the parliamentary elections of 2015 held are fragile and vulnerable, as well as the continuation of the case of political excessive "liquidity", and the increase in the pace of the transition from parties and people from the party to another and from one coalition to others, in addition to the case of conflict and division experienced by some political parties, and perhaps reading the numbers issued by the higher elections Committee about to the number of candidates of political parties and independents proves the case of "weakness and fragmentation of the party", as the number of independent candidates for elections of House of Representatives 4058 people, who represent the overwhelming majority among the candidates , while total partisan figures who belongs to Egyptian political parties is 1897 people. In addition to the absence of electoral and political programs of the candidates, competition for trying to get closer to the head of state, and the continuing isolation of the parties from citizens.
As for the legislative environment, there are legislative arsenal inconsistent with the public and private freedoms of citizens and against the morals and principles of human rights which is contrary to the Constitution of 2014, and examples are the NGOs law and the law of political parties from first hand, and on the other hand the laws regulating the electoral process had an legal, constitutional and human rights argument on them, particularly to the law of the division of electoral constituencies number 202 for the year 2014 and the emphasis on its unconstitutional for his lack of equal opportunity condition since the law was adopted to be the division of constituencies on the basis of population only or on the basis of the number of votes of eligible voters, without regard to the Tribal and neurological conglomerates and consideration of social, economic and political dimension of some areas.
Thirdly, the current electoral system, in which the parliamentary elections took place, there are several disadvantages mentioned are as follows:
First, being an electoral system depends entirely on the major individual candidacy system, and the word in the House of Representatives law lists only the word "camouflage" on practical side, during the electoral process. The list, which won with 51% of the number of seats, will reap all the seats, as if the list is an individual or a candidate won by 51%. This system is called the absolute list, a system abandoned by all electoral systems in the democratic world.
Second: the electoral system weaken political parties, which do not contradict not only with Article 5 of the Constitution, which is pluralism are basic denomination of the political system, but also contradicts with the entire political process of the fact that the parties are the political development of any State, which makes it between the rock and hard place, dilemma make them suffer in the search for candidates of families and tribes in the candidacy of the 448 seats, are attracted to, even though they are not members, and seven dilemma quotas that came out "compromise Constitution" in the candidacy of the 120 seats. All of the above portends major secession in Parliament.
Third: the current electoral system Makes the main function of political parties to ally itself despite the fact that the function that created for them for several decades are to compete, as well as that this system leads to a state of liquidity in the party alliances, which threatens new maps and strange alliances and makes independents prevail under the dome of the next parliament.
Fourth, we find that the exercise of political rights law lifting the selected financial ceiling value of what is spent by each candidate in the propaganda campaign
we find it in the individual system five hundred thousand pounds, and have a maximum spending in the runoff hundred thousand pounds, As for the list, so the maximum what is spent by candidates on allotted menu (15) seats two million five hundred thousand pounds, and have a maximum spending in the runoff million pounds, and increased two limits that referred to three times for the list that allotted (45) seats.
In that light, a large bracket of the Egyptian society represented in the poor (men and women) and young people from and therefore, refrained from registration for parliamentary elections, we find that businessmen, influential people and money will have to prevail in Parliament in 2015 against the vulnerability of young people and the poor who are expected that they will abstain from participating in the representation the next electoral process.
As for the economic environment we find it a "suffocating" environment in light of rising poverty and unemployment and the deterioration of the situation of economic and social rights rates and in particular the right to health, education and housing .... etc., as well as the absence of system of legislation that achieve social justice slogan as one of the basic slogans of the Revolution of January 25, which could affect the turnout for the upcoming parliamentary elections, especially in light of the attention of a large sector of the Egyptian people concerns and preoccupations with towards economic and daily life regardless of participation in public affairs.
In light of the high rates of poverty, we find that political money will play a huge role in the upcoming elections, particularly from by businessmen candidates, candidates of the dissolved National Democratic Party and others, it is expected that these candidates mostly will buy votes over the two rounds of the parliamentary elections in 2015. Here, it can be said that the phenomenon of vote buying and mass crowd had formed a complete "crime" that has corrupted the electoral process..
The second topic: the first round of the parliamentary elections in 2015.... Analytical vision
It can do a statement and analysis of the first round of parliamentary elections in 2015 as follows:
First: regarding the Supreme Committee for Elections
1- We can describe the performance of the High Elections Commission during the first round of the parliament in 2015 elections as “a witness who didn’t see anything”, since the Commission did nothing despite enormous irregularities and violations that marred the electoral process, as well as its omission that many of the candidates in the first and the second round broke the electoral silence during electoral propaganda stage and even during the election day itself this hand again, despite the clarity of low voter turnout in the first round of parliamentary elections, the Supreme Committee for Elections have not yet done an intense campaign to view to voters definition the electoral process and its mechanisms, many voters have no knowledge and knowledge of these mechanisms, therefore the turnout was weak, while The proportion of invalid votes was high. Low turnout also has other many varied reasons.
2- "Arbitrary acting" of the higher Election Commission on the distribution of the judges of the State Council on the governorates’ constituencies on the first round, compared with their peers in other jurisdictions process, resulting in a state of extreme anger among the majority of the judges who observed the electoral process in the first round due to the «poor distribution». In the light of these random a large number of judges didn’t present on the electoral process, particularly on the first day of them.
3- HEC did not activate the sanctions contained in the exercise of political rights law with regard to abuses and irregularities that marred the electoral scene despite many being.
Second, regarding political participation
- The largest sector of young people refused to participate in the electoral process, whether to stand for elections or vote, due to the lack of confidence in the political process, and on the other hand the power of capital and the return of veterans businessmen and members of the dissolved National Democratic Party to the political scene in general and electoral particular , in addition to the insistence of the State to " Dispense" with this important sector, using high-sounding slogans and speeches in dealing with the problems and concerns about through talk about "embodiment" and not "rupturing" energies and employment "optimum employment".
- use and exploitation of women-especially poor and illiterate women - in the electoral process the first and second rounds and that by all candidates, both at the individual seats or menus, these women were drive to participate in the electoral process through the buying of their votes with money, as well as Women’s gathering and transporting them to their polling station. In this framework, we must distinguishing between "political use of women" through the use of different weapons, both represented in poverty and the need for money and male influence, especially in Upper Egypt governorates in the first round - and "real participation" of women in the electoral process, whether to stand for election or vote, as it the percentage of Women's participation in the electoral process – as a candidates - did not exceed 2%.
- Despite the intense election campaign of Al-Nour Party, but what is observed is a weak participation of many of his supporters in many governorates -which supposed to be there as they claim - and this is what can be traced back to several causes such as many of the members of Al-Nour Party do believe nither in the electoral process nor the whole process of democracy, nor the participation of Copts in the menus, nor the participation of political parties in any democratic electoral process, they essentially seek to establish a "religious state", and perhaps reveal the truth and the nature of the Salafi movement in Egypt.
- The Muslim Brotherhood refrained from participating –as candidates- in the electoral process, except for some few constituencies in some governorates of the first round, in which there was not advertised Brotherhood candidates.
- Returning of veterans businessmen, who were members of the dissolved National Democratic Party and most of them are independent of the political and electoral scene, and this is what it turned out through broad participation in elections, as well as emergence of businessmen of a "new type".
Third: regarding the role of religious institutions
religious institutions Played –on the Christian and Muslim sides- a negative Role during the 2015 parliament elections, as the church, especially during the two rounds of runoff directly publicize in favor of candidates of the Al-Masryeen Al-Ahrar, independents and Copts and calling voters to elect these candidates, in contrast, the supporters of the candidates of Al-Nour Party using logos and religious songs to gather voters to choose their candidates and this is what happened Al-Beheira and Beni Suef in the first round, and in the second round –especially in Sharqia- some religious mosques to campaign directly for some of the candidates.
Fourth, regarding the judges
1. Commitment of judges and the supervisors of the electoral commissions by impartiality and objectivity in the electoral process management.
2. Random distribution of judges on some constituencies has led to the absence of some of the judges and the closure of polling stations for voters - especially during the day I. and the occurrence of errors marred the electoral process, other than those stated on the receipt of some judges to threats by the Brotherhood in if they participate in the electoral process.
Fifth, regarding media performance
Media organizations played a negative role in the electoral process, as some satellite channels and media organizations interfered directly in that process, through:
• participation- among other factors - in the low voter turnout on the voting process, through the confirmation of some satellite channels - before the start of the electoral process - that we "do not need a parliament," as well as attacking the politics and political parties and asking them to amend the constitution.
• inconsistent analysis with the reality of some media institutions of the electoral scene and the lack of abuses and irregularities that marred this scene, but on the contrary, these institutions proceeded to show the "positive aspects" just below the "negativisms", and the analysis was not "objective" for the most part, it was an analysis which is contrary to all the evidence monitored by civil society organizations.
• Use businessmen and media tools to publicize for some of their own candidates, which led to the lack of equal opportunities for all candidates.
Sixth, regarding control of civil society organizations
- Allow observers and civil society organizations, both local and international ones to monitor the electoral process, with some few exceptions.
- Field monitoring parliamentary elections of 2015, less than in previous years, due to the limited financial resources of many civil society organizations.
- Promotion of the volunteerism idea in monitoring the electoral process with civil society organizations in the light of the lack of available financial resources.
- clear division in the ranks of civil society during the parliamentary election monitoring process, and this division is based on political, not legal basics, there is a group of civil society organizations tried throughout the electoral process to embellish the scene, whether by asserting that there is an increase in the number of voters to the polling stations, and so on, and try to take out the state of responsibility for everything that happened, putting it in "supporter" of the system and the justification for many of his mistakes, while there was another group of civil society organizations were accurate, objective and field follow-up of information to ensure their validity from more than one source, with the application of the monitoring international standards.
- Insisting that the role of civil society is the "follow-up" of the electoral process and not "control" of that process.
- Weak participation by international civil society organizations, while there was a clear participation by the European Union, the Arab League, the African Union and COMESA in the Egyptian electoral scene.
Seventh: regarding the security services
The security services and the army's commitment to full neutrality during the electoral process, and this is contrary to what was happening in the elections that were held before, and the lack of contact with voters and even to facilitate the election process, and secure their votes in a peaceful atmosphere, where they were securing the polling stations all over the governorates of the Republic.
Eighth: With regard to acts of violence and terrorism
1. Security agencies was able to invalidate the role of "terrorism" during the electoral process, except what happened in the incident of targeting the supervisor judges on the electoral process in El-Arish in North Sinai Governorate.
2. Occurrence of electoral violence between supporters of most candidates over the first and second rounds.
The third topic: irregularities and excesses of the first phase of parliamentary elections
Community participation observers monitor many of the violations and abuses that marred the electoral process over the two days, which can be described this way:
1. Weak turnout
Low voter turnout is considered the main feature of the first round of in elections 2015, a that what the observers of Egyptian Association observed throughout the two days of elections, on the first day there is a weak voter turnout continued until 11 am in a number of committees in governorates of Sohag, Minya, Cairo, Assiut, Qena, the Red Sea, New Valley, Marsa Matrouh and Al-beheira, and on the second day - Despite the government issuing instructions to all ministries, departments and government agencies, to provide the necessary facilities for the voters in the governorates on the first round, especially the governorates of Upper Egypt, and to allow them to travel to participate in the elections and the second day of the elections is half a working day for all- association’s observers observed the weak turnout in 12 counties which are Aswan, Beni Suef, Minya, Fayoum, Alexandria, Qena Marsa Matrouh, Sohag, New Valley, Al-Beheira, Assiut and Luxor, while in Giza governorate varied turnout of voters rate, some committees turnout was weak in Imbaba, Dokki, Agouza and Kafr Tohormos constituencies, while the turnout increased especially from the ladies in Al-Talbeya and Al-Omranyea constituencies, while in the Red Sea Governorate, turnout of voters rate has varied also, where the observers of the association observed weak turnout in all electoral commissions which includes Hurghada and Ras Gharib while electoral commissions in Halayib and Shalateen the southern Red Sea has seen heavy turnout the villages’ people and Bedouin settlements, in addition to the heavy participation of women.
In the second round of the parliamentary elections in 2015 the turnout was weaker than the first round, On the first day of the first round the low voter turnout continued until 10 am in a number of polling stations in following the governorates; Sharqia, Menoufia, Dakahlia, Cairo, South Sinai, North Sinai, Damietta, Ismailia, Suez. In the second day, Despite the government issuing instructions to all ministries, departments and government agencies, to provide the necessary facilities for the people of the governorates on the second round, considering the second day a half working day for all people- EASD observers the continuation of weak turnout in most governorates, and turnout is limited to the ladies and the elderly in Some governorates; Sharqia, Cairo, Menoufia, Dakahlia, Port Said, Suez, North Sinai, South Sinai and Damietta.
2. Electoral bribes
The supporters of independent candidates as well as supporters of the candidates of Al-Masryeen Al-Ahrar party, the dissolved National Party and a list of Fe Hob Misr distributing electoral bribes on voters in order to induce them to vote for such candidates, and that's what monitoring by the Egyptian Society observers throughout the two days of elections - with the increase in rates on the second day - and that some polling stations in the following governorates of Alexandria, Giza, Al-Beheira, the New Valley, Fayoum, Minya, Assiut and Sohag, the electoral bribes was not represented in paying sums of money only but also drug distribution to the voters and that's what has been spotted in some polling stations in Fayoum, as well as the distribution of oil, sugar, blankets, food commodities and this is what has been spotted in some polling stations in Cairo and Sharqia and on the second round, electoral bribes concentrated in some polling stations in the following governorates of Cairo, Menoufia, Dakahlia, Sharqia, Ismailia, Damietta, Port Said, Suez and Qalubia.
The value of electoral bribes ranged between L.E50 and reached L.E900 in Suez, L.E700 in Cairo and Ismailia and L.E1100 in Dakahlia.
- 3. The delay in opening polling stations
Although the majority of electoral commissions all over the governorates began the voting process at nine in the morning, but there are some committees doors did not open for voters until the tenth hour of the first day on the morning of electoral day due to the absence of judges, the observers of the association observed that in some polling stations in the following governorates “Giza, Marsa Matrouh, Red Sea, Assiut, Minya, Beni Suef, Qena and Sohag, but on day electoral II, open most of the polling association’s observers monitored in most governorates on the first round, however, continued weak voter turnout in these committees. on the second round, polling stations were opened on time at 9am in all the 13 governorates and this is what has been monitored over the stage, but in the run-off second round EASD observers spotted a delayed opening of the polling stations in most governorates for the non-existence of the judges, (Qaliubiya, Dakahlia, Gharbia, Suez, Menoufia, Ismailia, Port Said, Kafr El-Sheikh and Cairo).
- 4. directing voters
Some supporters of independent candidates as well as supporters of the candidates of the parties (Al-Masreeyn Al-Ahrar, Al-Nour, a list of Fe Hob Misr and Mostaqbal Watan in the light of the guidance of voters in the two days on the first round of elections in some polling stations during casting their votes in order to induce them to vote for these candidates and this is monitored by the Association’s observers over the two days of election - rates increase on the second day - and that some polling stations in the following governorates “Sohag, Al-Beheira, Luxor, New Valley, Alexandria and Giza.
the same thing is repeated in the second round, as some supporters of independent candidates as well as supporters of the candidates of Al-masryeen Al-Ahrar Party, the list of “Fe Hob Misr” and “Mostaqbal Watan” under are guiding voters on the elections days and this is what has been spotted in some polling stations in the following governorates; Sharqia, Menoufia, North Sinai, Cairo, South Sinai, Suez, Damietta and Ismailia.
- 5. violating of electoral silence
both the supporters of the candidates of Al-Masryeen Al-Ahrar Party, Al-Nour Party, the dissolved National Party and some independent candidates' supporters during the election day itself using all the tools of cars and loudspeakers, songs, posters and banners calling on voters to vote for them, and this is what the Egyptian Society observers monitored throughout the rounds of the elections - with increasing in the rates on the second day of the two rounds - and that in some polling stations in the governorates on the first round; Alexandria, Giza, New Valley, Beni Suef, and that is what was monitored in some polling stations on the second round in the governorates of Cairo, Menoufia, Sharqia, Suez, Qaliubiya, Damietta and Ismailia.
- 6. Transporting voters
Both supporters of the candidates of Al-NOur Party, the dissolved National Party, some supporters of independent candidates, a list of “Fe Hob Misr’ and the list of “Mostaqbal watan” transferring voters using various means of transport from cars, microbuses and Tuk Tuk to transfer voters, especially women and the elderly and take them to the polling stations and this is what the Egyptian Society of observers monitoring over the two rounds of the election process- rates have increased on the runoff two rounds - in some polling stations on the first round in the following governorates “Assiut, Alexandria, Beheira, Giza, Beni Suef, Qena, Sohag, Marsa Matrouh and Fayoum, and some polling stations on the second round in the following governorates; Cairo, Menoufia, Suez, Qaliubiya, Sharqia, Damietta, Ismailia and Port Said.
- 7. the use of religious institutions
both the supporters of the candidates of Al-Masryeen Al-Ahrar Party, Al-Nour Party, the dissolved National Party and some supporters of independent candidates and a list of “Fe hob Misr” and a list of “Mostaqbal Watan” using religious institutions in the electoral propaganda in favor of the candidates of these parties and publicizing for voters to vote in their favor, for example, the association observers spotted in Sharonh Island, Al-Adawa, Mianeh, Abbasia and Ashanim in Minya the church calling on voters to vote for candidates of Al-Masryeen Al-Ahrar party and Copts. In contrast, in Nasser district, Beni Suef, the supporters of candidate of Al-Nour Party "A.l" to carry pictures of North Sinai candidate who was assassinated recently and the phrase "will not kneel," is written below it as well as their use of religious slogans, playing songs and religious chants on cars cruising around the constituency, in order to publicize their candidate, while on the second round in Hadayq Al-Kobba constituency, Cairo Governorate, the church has called on voters to vote for the candidate "R.kh" In contrast, the Supporters of candidate "M.H" Abou-kbeer disrict, Sharqia, are using the loudspeakers inside a mosque belonging to the Association of Ansar al-Sunna Muhammadiyah in making religious propaganda for him to attract voters to cast their ballots in favor of him.
The fourth topic: Conclusions
In the end, although the breadth of the amount and kind of the irregularities and errors that took place on election day itself, it cannot be described as "violations" by the State and affected significantly the final results of the electoral process, but what was accompanied those parliamentary elections of interventions from the first moment in terms of both:
- the process of imposing the laws that regulating the parliamentary elections in 2015, the division of the constituency law No. 202 for the year 2014, the process was unconstitutional as it was lacking the requirement of equal opportunities, since the law was adopted to be the division of constituencies on the basis of population only or on the basis of the number of eligible voters, without looking at the tribal and neurological clusters and giving due regard social, economic and political dimension of some areas, as well as enormous shortcomings –mentioned before- which have occurred in the electoral system, which the elections took place under it, in addition to the high value of the financial ceiling allocated to each candidate in the election campaign.
- The "fragile" political environment in which parliamentary elections in 2015 held and the state of excessive political "liquidity", and the increase in the pace of the transition from parties and people from the party to another and from one coalition to others, in addition to the state of conflict and division experienced by some political parties.
- Capital control in the entire electoral scene, where the capital to buy the most likely candidates in this election as he bought votes, and the conclusion was "buy" Parliament.
Parliamentary elections in 2015 results have revealed a capital control in the electoral process, and the ability to choose the candidate who has the ability to win elections who managed to won the largest number of votes in the light of the low turnout, political capital was present strongly in the first round of the parliament elections in 2015 because of the presence of business on the electoral lists, which came with a satisfactory result for them, so the willingness to spend is also strongly present in the second round.
The results of the influence of the capital reflected in the electoral process results, the political parties, dominated by the businessmen, such as (Al-Masryeen Al-Ahrar, the list “Fe Hob Misr”, the list “Mostaqbal Watan”, and Al-Wafad Party) Due to the amount of money expenditure-, which has been surpassed -as defined in the political Rights enforcement law -spent by these parties during the electoral process and before, we find that the latter succeeded in the electoral process control and even win the largest number of seats in parliament compared to their counterparts from other parties. In contrast, we find that the political parties – who has a few resources Financial has not been able to compete strongly during the elections process, especially in light of the general atmosphere which was dominated by capital, and the participation of these parties was "weak" compared to previous experiences to them, and come on top of the Egyptian Social Democratic Party and the Popular Alliance Socialist parties, and thus reflected on the number of seats obtained by those parties in Parliamentary elections 2015. The result of capital control in the parliamentary elections (buy candidates + buy votes = buy parliament).
- The absence of politics from the electoral scene, the only competition and conflict between these parties during the election was only approaching a degree of political power. Mentioning the list of "Fe Hob Misr," is a must In this regard, there are several observations are:
- Early publication by the state institutions and media on that the list "in love with Egypt" is not only a "state" list, but also the list of "President" Sisi.
- The List "Fe Hob Misr" during elections rounds- like the rest of the menu – did all contraventions and irregularities that marred the elections - including electoral bribes to voters.
- Due to the absence of clear political vision to all lists, which fought the electoral process, particularly the list of “Fe Hob Misr”, the candidates’ combination gathers all the national contradictions, the left-wing, socialist and liberal ... etc.
- The lack of clear and specific electoral programs for the most candidates.
- Lack of participation in the parliamentary elections in 2015, where voters refused to participate in general and young people in particular so as to distrust everyone in the political and electoral process also, there are other many reasons.
All of the above makes us cannot describe the Parliament 2015 that he had come through free, fair and transparent elections, although it seems that it came through a full-scale electoral process in terms of form.
In light of this, we can say that the Parliament in 2015 is natural and real (secretion) of the Alliance of 30th June after it was bumped from the remnants of 25th January revolution, and perhaps the worst parliament in the of Egypt's political history; After two popular revolutions and long struggle to eliminate corrupt rule systems, the faces of the dissolved party National returned, as well as businessmen who strongly bought seats in parliament with their money, and some of the Salafis who have used the weapon of "religion" to manipulate the feelings of the voters, but they failed to do so, and some public figures who rallied in order to present itself as is "sincere" to the system, the closest to it and to defend it, and some of these figures run elections individually and the other fought in the framework of the electoral lists, such as the list "Fe Hob Misr" and it was able to get seats, with the parliament, in addition to the candidates of the rich parties who have managed their money to buy seats in parliament, such as Al-Masryeen Al-Ahrar and Mostaqbal Watan parties , while poor parties did not succeed in this.
Topic IV: Recommendations
Finally, the Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement recommends the following mentioned:
- Appeal to the High Elections Commission to carry out investigations in reports made by the civil society organizations on the abuses and irregularities observed by those organizations observers throughout the parliament election in 2015.
- The need to adjust spending on advertising in the process of parliamentary elections, through the presence of a practical mechanism to adjust and monitor the spending process for candidates in parliamentary elections.
- promoting and supporting the idea of political participation among the various sectors of the citizens, particularly the youth sector, since this review one of the basic pillars of democracy, through the intensification of political awareness of the citizens programs, whether through the organization of seminars, panel discussions or television programs on the same goal. Here it settles the role of political parties and its primary role in promoting political participation, awareness mechanisms and support in all Egyptian governorates to all sectors of the people, without exception, and the need to open a community dialogue with young people to know the reasons for his absence in the electoral process.
- Issuing legislation governing the monitoring work of civil society organizations on the elections, so as to ensure the empowerment of those organizations from monitoring inside and outside of the committees, with the need to be screening process publicly and to enable the candidates, their agents and organizations to attend the screening of each box to be counting the electoral polling station, and deliver a copy of the Sort detect of each box to the candidates and their agents.
- . Activating the role of parties in political life and public affairs, there is no real reform without democracy, no real democracy without a real partisan life, with the need to reform the legislative system for the life of the party, so as to open the way for real multi-party and life-partisan, and at the same time parties themselves should reform the internal conditions, particularly in light of the absence of internal democracy in some of those parties, with the speed of its work to focus on the political street and engage within the university and the unions, and the need for solidarity between opposition parties and each other for influence in the political arena as a whole.
- Work on making legal system and legislative biased to rights and public and private freedoms of citizens and biased to the values and principles of human rights in a manner consistent with the Constitution of 2014 articles, as well as the need to review the laws on freedom of assembly and association and the right to peaceful protest, freedom of opinion, education and bring it in line with international standards on human rights.
- Need of the various media of the state institutions to be impartial, objective and provide an opportunity for all views to freely express her opinion and not to impose certain views on the citizens before, during of the electoral process or also, with the need to develop legislation and laws to ensure this impartiality.
- Speed work on the reform of the political environment characterized by excessive liquidity and "stifling" economic, in other words, create an environment that promotes the right to participate in the management of public affairs and freedom of opinion, expression, association and assembly, it is an environment of political, intellectual and cultural pluralism, an environment that allows diversity and reservation for individuals and groups their individual and collective rights, the environment and ensure the human rights of civil, political, economic, social and cultural.
- . The need to loosen the security agencies grip on public life, and give a chance for civil society to play its role, and strengthening the role of political parties in the political and the public sphere.